There has been a lot of good news over the last few years. First, there was Brexit, and then there was Donald Trump’s election victory in America. Then this year, Viktor Orban was re-elected in Hungary, Matteo Salvini’s party came into government through a coalition in Italy, and just this week nationalist Jair Bolsonaro won a great victory in Brazil’s Presidential election, despite being stabbed in the stomach whilst campaigning.
These are all achievements that should be celebrated; quite frankly back in 2015 none of us thought this would be possible or at least achievable in such a short space of time. Despite this though, the dark specter of mass immigration still looms large over Europe and is strengthening by the month. There seems to be a wall of left-wing steel that surrounds the countries of Spain, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden. From an electoral standpoint, they seem to be an impregnable egg that the dissident right simply can’t crack.
Despite third world mass immigration on a scale never before seen, despite political correctness and cultural Marxism infiltrating every aspect of life and society, any resistance at this time seems to have brought little results. Now you might say, what about the weekly anti-immigration protest movements in Germany? To tell you the truth they have been going on since 2014 -before the 2015 migrant crisis even began- and although they are to be commended, their efforts have not led to any electoral success, unlike in other countries. In recent local elections the nationalist AfD party did gain ground, but the far-left Green Party actually gained even more ground than them, with Merkel’s CDU party still winning overall despite losses.
This reluctance is also seen in Sweden and the Netherlands, where the nationalist Swedish Democrats and Geert Wilders have both been defeated in the last 2 years. In France, voters are more likely to leave mainstream parties, but this has still not brought electoral success. Emanuel Macron defeated Marine Le Pen in the second round of the Presidential election in 2017, and Jean Le Pen’s campaign against Jacque Chirac in the Presidential race in the year 2002 was also unsuccessful.
European globalists like Angela Merkel survive because the German people keep allowing her to survive. Yes, it is true that she has announced that she is standing down in 2021, but that time frame is the equivalent to 2/3rds of a Chancellor’s term, so she clearly is not under as much pressure as many might think. The failure to remove politicians such as her stems from the reluctance of many Europeans in the countries I have been mentioning to challenge the European Union. You see, despite witnessing and suffering the catastrophic effects of mass immigration, cultural Marxism and political correctness, the citizens of these countries are still heavily invested in their support for the EU. Because of this, they do not vote for parties who support leaving, even if they agree with that party’s immigration stance.
So for example in Germany, most voters agree with the nationalist AfD’s stance on immigration, yet they will not vote for them because the AfD supports leaving the EU, and the majority of German voters do not. And in Sweden, over 50% of voters support the nationalist Swedish Democrat’s stance on issues regarding immigration, yet only 12% of the electorate voted for them in this year’s general election. This again is because the party supports leaving the EU and the Swedish population does not.
Even in Italy, Matteo Salvini went slightly soft on his anti-EU rhetoric during his election campaign and the subsequent coalition negotiations. So for example, instead of sticking to his pledge to leave the Euro, he instead focused on the idea of avoiding a chaotic exit from the currency. He also dropped his core policy of leaving the EU, and instead came out with a new policy that revolved around renegotiating existing European treaties. Of course, once he was secure in his position as Deputy Prime Minister and Interior Minister, he opened a full broadside against Brussels, but if he had done this during the election campaign and coalition negotiations, he would have alienated pro-EU floating voters – voters he desperately needed.
So a winning formula for the dissident right in continental Europe (except England and Wales) seems to involve adopting a manifesto which is in opposition to the EU but does not involve leaving the EU. Without this stance, Poland’s conservative government, Victor Orban and Matteo Salvini would certainly not have been elected. From an ideological perspective, this strategy certainly isn’t ideal, but it does seem to get results.
There is a certain ‘conformity’ mindset amongst many Europeans, especially in Germany and Sweden, that I think makes them naïve and overly trusting of the European Union. For the poorer European states and the Mediterranean nations, financial subsidies are what really keeps them in the EU. As long as those subsidies remain, Hungary and Poland, despite their reactionary governments, will prefer to battle Brussels from within the EU rather than besieging it from the outside.
Even with a strategy of being anti-EU but wanting to remain in the EU, I still don’t see nationalist parties breaking through in the countries I described above as a ‘wall of left-wing steel’. At present, there is simply not the feeling or the will. And even in France, where a nationalist can reach the second round of a Presidential Election, they still lose by a wide margin. Perhaps with regards to countries like Germany, accelerationism is really necessary for the Overton window to shift – I guess only time will tell.