War is peace, ignorance is strength, and Hope Not Hate are definitely not violent communist activists. For whatever reason, it is not permitted in the United Kingdom to say that it is okay to be British. It is evidently so mind-blowingly subversive to consider the shared ethnocultural heritage of Europeans as a good thing that those who say so must be prevented from entering the country, as has happened again to Generation Identity leader, Martin Sellner.
This weekend saw this identitarian group hold their first meeting, attended by around fifty people. Whatever was to be said at the meeting is now up for speculation, as Hope Not Hate decided to use mob-rule to shut it down.
BREAKING: Today’s @generationidentity conference is gathering out in Sevenoaks. The Stag Community Centre is the host of the far right group’s get together.— HOPE not hate (@hopenothate) April 14, 2018
Dr. Joe Mulhall, the senior researcher at Hope Not Hate, told The Independent:
“As an organization, [Generation Identity] remains fairly small here, but it has probably already become the most active far-right organization in the UK, even with its very limited numbers. It’s the new breed.
“While small, they are incredibly active, and the worrying thing is they are very professional, very organized and tech-savvy, and their imagery is very professional. Their website is streets ahead of other far-right groups in Britain. And they’re young."
The claim from this communist group is that Generation is far-right, and therefore literally Hitler. They even have an Austrian leader with a snappy hair-cut, Neville Chamberlain's sake.
I will list for you the core beliefs of Generation Identity:
The ethnocultural identity of Europe has value and should be preserved.
Opposition to multiculturalism, mass immigration, Islamization and The Great Replacement.
Through peaceful activism Generation Identity wish to broach these topics with the silent majority and begin a public discussion on these subjects.
One of the reasons I was not allowed to enter was cause I had “items with me that are showing my extremists believes”. You can guess what those items were.— Martin Sellner (@Martin_Sellner) April 15, 2018
The response of any goodthinking person is surely to accept the opinion of Hope Not Hate, a state-funded communist group, at face value and attend the event at their behest in order to visit violence upon strangers. These vile people, who have gathered to talk about their concerns about the future faced by their children. Some goodthinking and noble local women even brought their own young children to a situation that they intended to make violent. Imagine looking at your own child, and in good conscience taking them to punch Nazis, about whose ideas you know only what you have been told by literal communists. Of course, Hope Not Hate say that these innocuous ideas about European identity is "coded prejudice." It doesn't matter what you say, it only matters what Hope Not Hate say you are saying.
This HNH Charitable Trust makes serious money. If they have a disagreement with the far-right then organize a Police controlled counter-protest, don't turn our streets into a battleground. I will report this to the Charity Commision.https://t.co/XTXPnVdrkT— Conor O'Dwyer (@MrJibber) April 14, 2018
Groups like Antifa and Hope Not Hate, through intimidation of citizens and harassment of venues, will prevent uncomfortable truths being spoken. They will protect you from yourself. The British Government itself is aiming to criminalize the viewing of so-called far-right material online in the United Kingdom, as detailed in this excellent video by The Iconoclast.
Who decides what is far right? Are the public ever asked if they find these ideas to be abhorrent, or if they might have a point? Of course not; our civilization is so far removed from even engaging with these ideas that words are met with fists. Here follows video footage of the events, clearly showing masked Antifa thugs attacking people in the street, in broad daylight.
This is England.
This past weekend also saw the 50th anniversary of Enoch Powell's Rivers of Blood speech, which we will reprint in full at the end of this article. For the crime of describing reality accurately, Powell was ruined as a politician, denounced as a racist, and his legacy tarnished forever. Powell as a man was exemplary. An Indophile who spoke Hindi and Urdu, his command of Classical Greek was such that he produced the peerless A Lexicon to Herodotus in 1938 while still a student, and took his professorship at the age of 25. This post he resigned at the outbreak of World War II, seeing the danger of Hitler. In his service he rose to become the youngest Brigadier in the Commonwealth, the same as he had been the youngest professor. The point I am making is not just that Powell, dead these past 20 years, was a man possessed of singular intellect and therefore he was right- that is not logical. He was a man of singular intellect and a product of a system that produced many such men; if that turn of phrase does not bend the English language too much. It is a tragedy that we seem not to make such Englishmen today. The point I am making is that such a man lived, was not so dissimilar in opinion on immigration from his party leader and future Prime Minister, Edward Heath; but for speaking truth plainly, he was destroyed. It mattered not one jot that Powell was a scholar, professor, military commander, and decidedly lacking in bigotry of any kind.
What hope then for men such as you and I, to express ourselves in these days, to convince the world of the prophetic truths of Powell's speech? The problems we face transcend the brutish label of far-right, whatever that even means anymore. For two generations the reality that Europeans are under existential threat through immigration has been presented -successfully- as a lie perpetuated by fascists. The possibility that this framing of the conversation is incorrect is also denounced as a lie perpetuated by fascists. It is fascist to notice it, it is fascist to speak of it. It is fascist to allow oneself to hear it. This is what it means to be far right these days; thinking about topics that the globalist state does not want you to think about. Demographics. Identity. Immigration. Ideologies. You must not think of these things, there is only one demography, only one identity, only one nation, only one ideology. One vision of the future- and it's a future in which your nation, your people, no longer exists.
And so, I come full circle to the Generation Identity meeting. This small group is denounced not because they are genocidal racists- there is nothing in their words or actions that suggests this is so. In fact, it requires the analysis of self-proclaimed experts like Hope Not Hate to tell us that this group is far-right and therefore badthink. I would hope that anyone reading this can spot that it is a very bad idea to listen to one perspective alone- but it is this group who are informing the press and government bodies on what is and is not extremist. This group, pro-migration, pro-Islamification, pro-Antifa, claims to understand the difference between Hope and Hate. If that is so, their chief Nick Lowles can inform me by right of reply on these pages exactly what it is that is hopeful about his organization's failure to answer the questions posed by Generation Identity. I would imagine that these questions about population dynamics, demography and culture should be easy to answer if they are only motivated by "hate." It is easy to defeat the bigot, because the bigot is incapable of thinking for themselves clearly; this is why you see a bigot dancing around the attendees of the Generation Identity meeting, squealing that he has found the heretic in the midst of Kent, and all good townsfolk must rise up to burn the witches. This is bigotry, this is intolerance- this squashing of difficult ideas is a cancer in the blood of my countrymen.
My advice is to listen to as many different voices as you can and, most importantly, look to the evidence. Look to reality as much as you dare, stare into the abyss of unfeeling truth. I did so, and changed my mind on many things. For this act alone, I too have been denounced as far right, as a Nazi, as a racist and fascist. It has led to this magazine being censored by one of the most powerful businesses on the planet. All this, in four months of operation for Republic Standard. What is so dangerous about these ideas that we speak of that they must not be spoken? Is not the failure to address the concerns of the day an utter abdication of responsibility by our leaders? Is that not where the genesis of Generation Identity lies?
The question is simple; are we adult human beings with the ability to self-determine our futures and to contend with the world and all her problems, or permanent children, to be kept sedated by trash-culture, consumerism and a comforting, false portrayal of reality?
Over to Mr. Powell.
The supreme function of statesmanship is to provide against preventable evils. In seeking to do so, it encounters obstacles which are deeply rooted in human nature.
One is that by the very order of things such evils are not demonstrable until they have occurred: at each stage in their onset there is room for doubt and for dispute whether they be real or imaginary. By the same token, they attract little attention in comparison with current troubles, which are both indisputable and pressing: whence the besetting temptation of all politics to concern itself with the immediate present at the expense of the future.
Above all, people are disposed to mistake predicting troubles for causing troubles and even for desiring troubles: "If only," they love to think, "if only people wouldn't talk about it, it probably wouldn't happen."
Perhaps this habit goes back to the primitive belief that the word and the thing, the name and the object, are identical.
At all events, the discussion of future grave but, with effort now, avoidable evils is the most unpopular and at the same time the most necessary occupation for the politician. Those who knowingly shirk it deserve, and not infrequently receive, the curses of those who come after.
A week or two ago I fell into conversation with a constituent, a middle-aged, quite ordinary working man employed in one of our nationalised industries.
After a sentence or two about the weather, he suddenly said: "If I had the money to go, I wouldn't stay in this country." I made some deprecatory reply to the effect that even this government wouldn't last for ever; but he took no notice, and continued: "I have three children, all of them been through grammar school and two of them married now, with family. I shan't be satisfied till I have seen them all settled overseas. In this country in 15 or 20 years' time the black man will have the whip hand over the white man."
I can already hear the chorus of execration. How dare I say such a horrible thing? How dare I stir up trouble and inflame feelings by repeating such a conversation?
The answer is that I do not have the right not to do so. Here is a decent, ordinary fellow Englishman, who in broad daylight in my own town says to me, his Member of Parliament, that his country will not be worth living in for his children.
I simply do not have the right to shrug my shoulders and think about something else. What he is saying, thousands and hundreds of thousands are saying and thinking - not throughout Great Britain, perhaps, but in the areas that are already undergoing the total transformation to which there is no parallel in a thousand years of English history.
In 15 or 20 years, on present trends, there will be in this country three and a half million Commonwealth immigrants and their descendants. That is not my figure. That is the official figure given to parliament by the spokesman of the Registrar General's Office.
There is no comparable official figure for the year 2000, but it must be in the region of five to seven million, approximately one-tenth of the whole population, and approaching that of Greater London. Of course, it will not be evenly distributed from Margate to Aberystwyth and from Penzance to Aberdeen. Whole areas, towns and parts of towns across England will be occupied by sections of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population.
As time goes on, the proportion of this total who are immigrant descendants, those born in England, who arrived here by exactly the same route as the rest of us, will rapidly increase. Already by 1985 the native-born would constitute the majority. It is this fact which creates the extreme urgency of action now, of just that kind of action which is hardest for politicians to take, action where the difficulties lie in the present but the evils to be prevented or minimised lie several parliaments ahead.
The natural and rational first question with a nation confronted by such a prospect is to ask: "How can its dimensions be reduced?" Granted it be not wholly preventable, can it be limited, bearing in mind that numbers are of the essence: the significance and consequences of an alien element introduced into a country or population are profoundly different according to whether that element is 1 per cent or 10 per cent.
The answers to the simple and rational question are equally simple and rational: by stopping, or virtually stopping, further inflow, and by promoting the maximum outflow. Both answers are part of the official policy of the Conservative Party.
It almost passes belief that at this moment 20 or 30 additional immigrant children are arriving from overseas in Wolverhampton alone every week - and that means 15 or 20 additional families a decade or two hence. Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependants, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population. It is like watching a nation busily engaged in heaping up its own funeral pyre. So insane are we that we actually permit unmarried persons to immigrate for the purpose of founding a family with spouses and fiancés whom they have never seen.
Let no one suppose that the flow of dependants will automatically tail off. On the contrary, even at the present admission rate of only 5,000 a year by voucher, there is sufficient for a further 25,000 dependants per annum ad infinitum, without taking into account the huge reservoir of existing relations in this country - and I am making no allowance at all for fraudulent entry. In these circumstances nothing will suffice but that the total inflow for settlement should be reduced at once to negligible proportions, and that the necessary legislative and administrative measures be taken without delay.
I stress the words "for settlement." This has nothing to do with the entry of Commonwealth citizens, any more than of aliens, into this country, for the purposes of study or of improving their qualifications, like (for instance) the Commonwealth doctors who, to the advantage of their own countries, have enabled our hospital service to be expanded faster than would otherwise have been possible. They are not, and never have been, immigrants.
I turn to re-emigration. If all immigration ended tomorrow, the rate of growth of the immigrant and immigrant-descended population would be substantially reduced, but the prospective size of this element in the population would still leave the basic character of the national danger unaffected. This can only be tackled while a considerable proportion of the total still comprises persons who entered this country during the last ten years or so.
Hence the urgency of implementing now the second element of the Conservative Party's policy: the encouragement of re-emigration.
Nobody can make an estimate of the numbers which, with generous assistance, would choose either to return to their countries of origin or to go to other countries anxious to receive the manpower and the skills they represent.
Nobody knows, because no such policy has yet been attempted. I can only say that, even at present, immigrants in my own constituency from time to time come to me, asking if I can find them assistance to return home. If such a policy were adopted and pursued with the determination which the gravity of the alternative justifies, the resultant outflow could appreciably alter the prospects.
The third element of the Conservative Party's policy is that all who are in this country as citizens should be equal before the law and that there shall be no discrimination or difference made between them by public authority. As Mr Heath has put it we will have no "first-class citizens" and "second-class citizens." This does not mean that the immigrant and his descendent should be elevated into a privileged or special class or that the citizen should be denied his right to discriminate in the management of his own affairs between one fellow-citizen and another or that he should be subjected to imposition as to his reasons and motive for behaving in one lawful manner rather than another.
There could be no grosser misconception of the realities than is entertained by those who vociferously demand legislation as they call it "against discrimination", whether they be leader-writers of the same kidney and sometimes on the same newspapers which year after year in the 1930s tried to blind this country to the rising peril which confronted it, or archbishops who live in palaces, faring delicately with the bedclothes pulled right up over their heads. They have got it exactly and diametrically wrong.
The discrimination and the deprivation, the sense of alarm and of resentment, lies not with the immigrant population but with those among whom they have come and are still coming.
This is why to enact legislation of the kind before parliament at this moment is to risk throwing a match on to gunpowder. The kindest thing that can be said about those who propose and support it is that they know not what they do.
Nothing is more misleading than comparison between the Commonwealth immigrant in Britain and the American Negro. The Negro population of the United States, which was already in existence before the United States became a nation, started literally as slaves and were later given the franchise and other rights of citizenship, to the exercise of which they have only gradually and still incompletely come. The Commonwealth immigrant came to Britain as a full citizen, to a country which knew no discrimination between one citizen and another, and he entered instantly into the possession of the rights of every citizen, from the vote to free treatment under the National Health Service.
Whatever drawbacks attended the immigrants arose not from the law or from public policy or from administration, but from those personal circumstances and accidents which cause, and always will cause, the fortunes and experience of one man to be different from another's.
But while, to the immigrant, entry to this country was admission to privileges and opportunities eagerly sought, the impact upon the existing population was very different. For reasons which they could not comprehend, and in pursuance of a decision by default, on which they were never consulted, they found themselves made strangers in their own country.
They found their wives unable to obtain hospital beds in childbirth, their children unable to obtain school places, their homes and neighbourhoods changed beyond recognition, their plans and prospects for the future defeated; at work they found that employers hesitated to apply to the immigrant worker the standards of discipline and competence required of the native-born worker; they began to hear, as time went by, more and more voices which told them that they were now the unwanted. They now learn that a one-way privilege is to be established by act of parliament; a law which cannot, and is not intended to, operate to protect them or redress their grievances is to be enacted to give the stranger, the disgruntled and the agent-provocateur the power to pillory them for their private actions.
In the hundreds upon hundreds of letters I received when I last spoke on this subject two or three months ago, there was one striking feature which was largely new and which I find ominous. All Members of Parliament are used to the typical anonymous correspondent; but what surprised and alarmed me was the high proportion of ordinary, decent, sensible people, writing a rational and often well-educated letter, who believed that they had to omit their address because it was dangerous to have committed themselves to paper to a Member of Parliament agreeing with the views I had expressed, and that they would risk penalties or reprisals if they were known to have done so. The sense of being a persecuted minority which is growing among ordinary English people in the areas of the country which are affected is something that those without direct experience can hardly imagine.
I am going to allow just one of those hundreds of people to speak for me:
“Eight years ago in a respectable street in Wolverhampton a house was sold to a Negro. Now only one white (a woman old-age pensioner) lives there. This is her story. She lost her husband and both her sons in the war. So she turned her seven-roomed house, her only asset, into a boarding house. She worked hard and did well, paid off her mortgage and began to put something by for her old age. Then the immigrants moved in. With growing fear, she saw one house after another taken over. The quiet street became a place of noise and confusion. Regretfully, her white tenants moved out.
“The day after the last one left, she was awakened at 7am by two Negroes who wanted to use her 'phone to contact their employer. When she refused, as she would have refused any stranger at such an hour, she was abused and feared she would have been attacked but for the chain on her door. Immigrant families have tried to rent rooms in her house, but she always refused. Her little store of money went, and after paying rates, she has less than £2 per week. “She went to apply for a rate reduction and was seen by a young girl, who on hearing she had a seven-roomed house, suggested she should let part of it. When she said the only people she could get were Negroes, the girl said, "Racial prejudice won't get you anywhere in this country." So she went home.
“The telephone is her lifeline. Her family pay the bill, and help her out as best they can. Immigrants have offered to buy her house - at a price which the prospective landlord would be able to recover from his tenants in weeks, or at most a few months. She is becoming afraid to go out. Windows are broken. She finds excreta pushed through her letter box. When she goes to the shops, she is followed by children, charming, wide-grinning piccaninnies. They cannot speak English, but one word they know. "Racialist," they chant. When the new Race Relations Bill is passed, this woman is convinced she will go to prison. And is she so wrong? I begin to wonder.”
The other dangerous delusion from which those who are wilfully or otherwise blind to realities suffer, is summed up in the word "integration." To be integrated into a population means to become for all practical purposes indistinguishable from its other members.
Now, at all times, where there are marked physical differences, especially of colour, integration is difficult though, over a period, not impossible. There are among the Commonwealth immigrants who have come to live here in the last fifteen years or so, many thousands whose wish and purpose is to be integrated and whose every thought and endeavour is bent in that direction.
But to imagine that such a thing enters the heads of a great and growing majority of immigrants and their descendants is a ludicrous misconception, and a dangerous one.
We are on the verge here of a change. Hitherto it has been force of circumstance and of background which has rendered the very idea of integration inaccessible to the greater part of the immigrant population - that they never conceived or intended such a thing, and that their numbers and physical concentration meant the pressures towards integration which normally bear upon any small minority did not operate.
Now we are seeing the growth of positive forces acting against integration, of vested interests in the preservation and sharpening of racial and religious differences, with a view to the exercise of actual domination, first over fellow-immigrants and then over the rest of the population. The cloud no bigger than a man's hand, that can so rapidly overcast the sky, has been visible recently in Wolverhampton and has shown signs of spreading quickly. The words I am about to use, verbatim as they appeared in the local press on 17 February, are not mine, but those of a Labour Member of Parliament who is a minister in the present government:
'The Sikh communities' campaign to maintain customs inappropriate in Britain is much to be regretted. Working in Britain, particularly in the public services, they should be prepared to accept the terms and conditions of their employment. To claim special communal rights (or should one say rites?) leads to a dangerous fragmentation within society. This communalism is a canker; whether practised by one colour or another it is to be strongly condemned.'
All credit to John Stonehouse for having had the insight to perceive that, and the courage to say it.
For these dangerous and divisive elements the legislation proposed in the Race Relations Bill is the very pabulum they need to flourish. Here is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided. As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding; like the Roman, I seem to see "the River Tiber foaming with much blood."
That tragic and intractable phenomenon which we watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. Indeed, it has all but come. In numerical terms, it will be of American proportions long before the end of the century.
Only resolute and urgent action will avert it even now. Whether there will be the public will to demand and obtain that action, I do not know. All I know is that to see, and not to speak, would be the great betrayal.